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Cancel online anytime, 24 hours a day. Watch anywhere, anytime, on an unlimited number of devices. Most people now realize that our programs of military aid and defense 9.
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If the foundations of the Free World structure were progressively allowed to crumble under the pressure of communist imperialism, the entire house of freedom would be in danger of collapse. As for the mutual economic assistance program, the benefit to us is threefold. First, the countries receiving this aid become bulwarks against communist encroachment as their military defenses and economies are strengthened.
Nations that are conscious of a steady improvement in their industry, education, health and standard of living are not apt to fall prey to the blandishments of communist imperialists. Second, these countries are helped to reach the point where mutually profitable trade can expand between them and us. Third, the mutual confidence that comes from working together on constructive projects creates an atmosphere in which real understanding and peace can flourish. To help bring these multiple benefits, our economic aid effort should be made more effective. In proposals for future economic aid, I am stressing a greater use of repayable loans, through the Development Loan Fund, through funds generated by sale of surplus farm products, and through the ExportImport Bank.
While some increase in Government funds will be required, it remains our objective to encourage shifting to the use of private capital sources as rapidly as possible. One great obstacle to the economic aid program in the past has been, not a rational argument against it on the merits, but a catchword: "giveaway program. This is no "give-away.
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We cannot afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot down with a slogan! Eisenhower, qI 2 World trade supports a significant segment of American industry and agriculture. It provides employment for four and one-half million American workers.
It helps supply our ever increasing demand for raw materials. It provides the opportunity for American free enterprise to develop on a worldwide scale. It strengthens our friends and increases their desire to be friends. World trade helps to lay the groundwork for peace by making all free nations of the world stronger and more selfreliant.
On the Job: An Omaha Police Officer's Story: - Vern Hauger - Google книги
America is today the world's greatest trading nation. If we use this great asset wisely to meet the expanding demands of the world, we shall not only provide future opportunities for our own business, agriculture, and labor, but in the process strengthen our security posture and other prospects for a prosperous, harmonious world.
The period of exclusiveness is past. It is wasteful in the extreme for friendly allies to consume talent and money in solving problems that their friends have already solved-all because of artificial barriers to sharing.
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We cannot afford to cut ourselves off from the brilliant talents and minds of scientists in friendly countries. The task ahead will be hard enough without handcuffs of our own making. The groundwork for this kind of cooperation has already been laid in discussions among NATO countries. Promptness in following through with legislation will be the best possible evidence of American unity of purpose in cooperating with our friends. This involves new activities by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare designed principally to encourage improved teaching quality and student opportunities in the interests of national security.
It also provides a five-fold increase in II. Scrupulous attention has been paid to maintaining local control of educational policy, spurring the maximum amount of local effort, and to avoiding undue stress on the physical sciences at the expense of other branches of learning. In the field of research, I am asking for substantial increases in basic research funds, including a doubling of the funds available to the National Science Foundation for this purpose. But federal action can do only a part of the job.
In both education and research, redoubled exertions will be necessary on the part of all Americans if we are to rise to the demands of our times. This means hard work on the part of state and local governments, private industry, schools and colleges, private organizations and foundations, teachers, parents, and-perhaps most important of all-the student himself, with his bag of books and his homework. With this kind of all-inclusive campaign, I have no doubt that we can create the intellectual capital we need for the years ahead, invest it in the right places-and do all this, not as regimented pawns, but as free men and women!
I believe that, in spite of these necessary increases, we should strive to finance the security effort out of expected revenues. While we now believe that expected revenues and expenditures will roughly balance, our real purpose will be to achieve adequate security, but always with the utmost regard for efficiency and careful management.
This purpose will require the cooperation of Congress in making careful analysis of estimates presented, reducing expenditure on less es Eisenhower, sential military programs and installations, postponing some new civilian programs, transferring some to the states, and curtailing or eliminating others. Such related matters as the national debt ceiling and tax revenues will be dealt with in later messages.
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Rather, it is a message from the people of the United States to all other peoples, especially those of the Soviet Union. This is the spirit of what we would like to say: "In the last analysis, there is only one solution to the grim problems that lie ahead. The world must stop the present plunge toward more and more destructive weapons of war, and turn the corner that will start our steps firmly on the path toward lasting peace.
It requires works of peace. For a start our people should learn to know each other better. Recent negotiations in Washington have provided a basis in principle for greater freedom of communication and exchange of people. I urge the Soviet government to cooperate in turning principle into practice by prompt and tangible actions that will break down the unnatural barriers that have blocked the flow of thought and understanding between our people.
Another kind of work of peace is cooperation on projects of human' welfare.
For example, we now have it within our power to eradicate from the face of the earth that age-old scourge of mankind: malaria. We are embarking with other nations in an all-out five-year campaign to blot out this curse forever.
On the Job: An Omaha Police Officer's Story: 1958-88
We invite the Soviets to join with us in this great work of humanity. If people can get together on such projects, is it not possible that we could then go on to a full-scale cooperative program of Science for Peace? We have as a guide and inspiration the success of our Atoms-for-Peace proposal, which in only a few years, under United Nations auspices, became a reality in the International Atomic Energy Agency. A program of Science for Peace might provide a means of funneling into one place the results of research from scientists everywhere and from there making it available to all parts of the world.
There is almost no limit to the human betterment that could result from such cooperation. Hunger and disease could increasingly be driven from the earth. The age-old dream of a good life for all could, at long last, be translated into reality. But of all the works of peace, none is more needed now than a real first step toward disarmament. Last August the United Nations General Assembly, by an overwhelming vote, approved a disarmament plan that we and our allies sincerely believed to be fair and practical. The Soviets have rejected both the plan, and the negotiating procedure set up by the United Nations.
As a result, negotiation on this supremely important issue is now at a standstill. But the world cannot afford to stand still on disarmament! We must never give up the search for a basis of agreement. Our allies from time to time develop differing ideas on how to proceed. We must concert these convictions among ourselves. Thereafter, any reasonable proposal that holds promise for disarmament and reduction of tension must be heard, discussed, and, if possible, negotiated.
But a disarmament proposal, to hold real promise, must at the minimum have one feature: reliable means to ensure compliance by all. It takes actions and demonstrated integrity on both sides to create and sustain confidence. And confidence in a genuine disarmament agreement is vital, not only to the signers of the agreement, but also to the millions of people all over the world who are weary of tensions and armaments.
I say once more, to all peoples, that we will always go the extra mile with anyone on earth if it will bring us nearer a genuine peace. These actions demand and expect two things of the American people: sacrifice, and a high degree of understanding. For sacrifice to be effective it must be intelligent. Sacrifice must be made for the right purpose and in the right place-even if that place happens to come close to home!
After all, it is no good demanding sacrifice in general terms one day, and the next day, for local reasons, opposing the elimination of some unneeded federal facility.
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